c1912 ASIAN AMERICAN AMHERST MASS PHOTOS VERY RARE STUDENT VINTAGE
When you click on links to various merchants on this site and make a purchase, this can result in this site earning a commission. Affiliate programs and affiliations include, but are not limited to, the eBay Partner Network.
c1912 ASIAN AMERICAN AMHERST MASS PHOTOS VERY RARE STUDENT VINTAGE:
$600.50
3 VINTAGE ORIGINAL PHOTOS FROM C1912 DEPICTING A CHINESE AMERICAN STUDENT NAMED ON THE BACK OF TWO LARGER PHOTOS CHUN (CHEN) KEE CHUCKTHE TWO LARGER PHOTOS MEASURE APPROXIMATELY 7 1/2 X 4 7./8 WHILE THE SNAPSHOT IN FRONT OF THE TREE AND HOUSE MEASURES APPROXIMATELY 3 X 5 1/4 INCHESHE WAS A STUDENT... U.S. Archives--Archives of the Third Batch of Students Studying in the U.S. with the Indemnity Grant
U.S. Archives--Archives of the Third Batch of Students Studying in the U.S. with the Indemnity Grant (2020-09-13 06:13:49)NextEntry files of the first batch of students studying in the US
Entry files of the second batch of Chinese students studying in the U.S.
The third batch of Chinese students studying in the United States took the Persia cruise ship (ssPersia), the captain was A. Lockett. The ship departed from Hong Kong on August 7, 1911, and sailed from Shanghai on August 10, carrying the third batch of foreign students. Route, passing through Nagasaki (August 13), Kobe (August 15), Yokohama (August 18), Honolulu (August 28), arriving at the Port of San Francisco on September 4, 1911, Immigration Bureau The record is stored in the previous file with the second batch of students (September 10, 1910, SS China-October 24, 1911, SS Columbian (ID=102052291, "The China cruise ship that arrived in San Francisco on September 10, 1910 until 1911) In the Columbia cruise ship arriving in San Francisco on October 24”), the third batch of overseas students’ records started from picture 387 in the file, and the picture below is picture 388. Unfortunately, there are missing pages and incomplete records. You can only rely on the shipping company. The passenger list is out.
Another document in the passenger list file series of the shipping company: August 11, 1911, SS Mongolia-December 14, 1911, SS China (ID = 120140684), records the information of these students, including their Chinese signatures. The Chinese archives are still from the report of the Qing Dynasty’s Tourism Department. The third batch of Geng scholarship students studying in the United States totaled 63. In the US archives, this batch of international students has a team of 75 people, excluding 3 team leaders and 1 wife (in addition) A wife herself is also an international student with the Geng fund), the son of an international student, there are 70 students in total, which is 7 more than the Chinese record. The following table is still based on the list of the Tourism Department. The Chinese signature lists the names of these international students, including officials and family members: it should be noted that the signature column is on the right edge of the original file paper, which may be due to the stacking of the paper. The last one or two characters of almost everyone’s signature They all fall on the back of the paper (see the picture below), but they are basically recognizable.
Chinese name
Immigration file
Passenger list
signature
Tan Qizhen
Tan Chi Chen
Tan Chi Chen
Tan Qizhen
Chai Chunlin
Chai Chun Lin
Chai Chun Lin
Chai Chunlin
Mei GuangdiMei Kuang Ti
Mei Guangdi
Chen ChengshiChen Cheng Shi
Chen Chengshi
Chen Defen
Cheng Te Fen
Cheng Te Fen
Chen Defen
RobinsonLo Pang Chieh
Robinson
Zheng Fuhua
Cheng Fu Hua
Cheng Fu Hua
Zheng Fuhua
Gu Zonglin
KuTsung Ling
Ku Tsung Ling
Gu Zonglin
Liang Jitai
Liang Chi Tai
Liang Chi Tai
Liang Jitai
Cui Youlian
Tsui Yu Lien
Tsui Yu Lien
Cui Youlian
Cai Xiang
Tsai Hsiang
Tsai Hsiang
Cai Xiang
Zhou Lunyuan
Chow Lun Yuan
Chou Lun Yuan
Zhou Lunyuan
Gu Weijing
Koo Vi Tsing
Koo Vi Ching
Gu Weijing
High outline
Kao Ta Kang
Kao Ta Kang
High outline
Yan Fang
Yen Fang
Yen Fang
Yan Fang
Chen Mingshou
Cheng Ming Shou
Chen Ming Shou
Chen Mingshou
Zhao Wenrui
Chao Wen Jui
Chao Wen Jui
Zhao Wenrui
Wei Tingsheng
Wei Ting Shung
Wei Ting Sheng
Wei Tingsheng
Jiang Shan Shou
Chiang Shan Shon
Chiang Shan Shou
Jiang Shan Shou
Qiu Chongyan
Chiu Chung Yen
Chiu Chung Yen
Qiu Chongyan
Chen Changheng
Chen Chang Heng
Chen Chang Heng
Chen Changheng
Jiang Lifu
Chiang Chiung Tso
Chiang Chiang Tso
Jiang Jiangzuo
Shi XuanShih Hsuan
Shi Xuan
Liang Duheng
Liang Tu Heng
Liang Tu Heng
Liang Duheng
Sun Xuewu
Sun Hsueh Wu
Sun Hsueh Wu
Sun Xuewu
Sun Jiding
Sun Chi Ting
Sun Chi Ting
Sun Jiding
Zhang Fuyun
Chang Fu Yun
Chang Fu Yun
Zhang Fuyun
Yang Guangbi
Yang Kuang Pi
Yang Kuag Pi
Yang Guangbi
Zhang Yuanshan
Chang Yuan Shan
Chang Yuan Shan
Zhang Yuanshan
Wu Kang
Wu Kang
Wu Kang
Wu Kang
Wang Mo
Wang Mon
Wang Mon
Wang Mo
Huang Zongfa
Huang Tsung Fa
Huang Tsung Fa
Huang Zongfa
Xu Shu
Hsu Shu
Hsu Shu
Xu Shu
Yang Xiaoshu
Yang Hsiao Shu
Yang Hsiao Shu
Yang Xiaoshu
Lu MaodeLu Mou Te
Lu Maode
Qiu Weiying
Chin Wei Jung
Chin Wei Ying
Qiu Weiying
Xu Yanfan
Hsu Yen Fan
Hsu Yen Fan
Xu Yanfan
Liu ChongqinLiu Chung Chin
Liu Chongqin
Song Jianxun
Sung Chien Hsun
Sung Chien Hsun
Song Jianxun
Shi YixuanShih I Hsuan
Shi Yixuan
Zhu Qizhe
Chu Chi Che
Chu Chi Che
Zhu Qizhe
Lu HongtangLu Hung Tang
Lu Hongtang
Gan Chunqi
Kan Shun Chi
Kan Shun Chi
Gan Chunqi
Long YiLung I
Long Yi
Zhou Mingyu
Chow Ming Yu
Chow Ming Yu
Zhou Mingyu
Fei Zongfan
Fei Tsung Fan
Fei Tsung Fan
Fei Zongfan
Huang Mingdao
Huang Ming Tao
Huang Ming Tao
Huang Mingdao
Chen Jiaxun
Chen Chia Hsun
Chen Chia Hsun
Chen Jiaxun
Deng ZongyingCheng Tsung Ying
Deng Zongying
Xu Renxi
Hsu Jen Chiang
Hsu Jen Chiang
Xu Renxi
Lu ShoujingLu Shou Ching
Lu Shoujing
Wu Xian
Wu Hsien
Wu Hsien
Wu Xian
Huang Guodong
Huang Kuo Fung
Huang Kuo Tung
Huang Guodong
Wang Geng
Wang Keng
Wang Ken
Wang Geng
Yu Zhenyong
Yu Chen Yung
Yu Chen Yung
Yu Zhenyong
Zhang Jingfen
Chang Ching Fen
Chang Ching Fen
Zhang Jingfen
Situ Yao
Sz To Lu
Sz To Ixx
Situ Yao
Shi ZanyuanMr. Shih Tsan Yuan
Shi Zanyuan
Tan HuizhangMr. Tan Hui Chang
Tan Huizhang
Zhong WenaoMr. Chung Wen Ao
Zhong Wenao
He QingzengHu BoyuanZhang GuohuiZhang YizhiBao XifanZhong XinxuanLu Shou Wen
Lu ShouwenLay Ung Chih
Lay Ung Chih
Ray EnciMrs. Kao Luen Ching
Mrs. Kao Luen Ching
Gao LunjinTsoh Yoong S.
Tsoh Yoong Si
Zhuo Yingsi
Mrs Lu Shou Ching
Lu MulanDah Kuin Liu
Dah Kuin Liu
Liu Dajun
Sung Chen Tsu
Sun ChengzuKwauk Zang Yien
Kwauk Zang Yien
Guo XiangxianLin Chung Chin
Lin Kyan Zung
Lin JianchengChang Chuan Hsin
Chang Chuan Hsin
Zhang ChuanxinChow Yen Hsun
Chou Yen Hsun
Zhou YanxunElla Sze
Miss Ella Sze
Shi Ailan
Shen Shu Ming
Shen SumingTan Pao Sheo
Tan Pao Sheo
Tan Baoshou
The following is a list of Chinese passengers:
Picture p134 in the Chinese passenger list file, below is the corresponding p135, with student signatures
As you can see, the signature is on the far right, but part of it has been "cut off", which actually falls on another page:
p136, it may be that the signature of page p135 was pressed in the middle part of page p136, so when writing, part of the words fell on page p136, enlarge the signature part of pages p135 and p136
I don't know how effective the posting is. The last column in the above table is the Chinese name based on the student's signature, and then compare it with the list in the first column on the left. In the table, Tan Huizhang and Zhong Wenao are not students, they are the officials responsible for sending them to the United States, and Shi Zanyuan, who is also one of the second batch of international students of the last year, should have not completed his studies in 1911. He is still a student. Become an official accompanying the student (see the submission of the Youmei Affairs Office: The Youmei Affairs Office hereby submits it as an application.
This year's examination of students from Youmei has been reported before the situation. In this investigation, the students traveled across the oceans, and there were a large number of them, so they should be sent to escort them as usual. It has now been sent to the department as an escort by English teacher Zhong Wenao, English copywriter Tan Huizhang, and student Shi Zanyuan. It is scheduled to be released from Shanghai on June 13th.
All reasons for dispatching escorts are logically approved by the Department of Shen Chengjun. Applicant
The right application is submitted to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs). His English name in the second batch of students is Philip Sze T., and Shih Tsan Yuan in the third batch is Shih Tsan Yuan, which is another romanized spelling of Shi Zanyuan. Of the 63 people recorded by the Chinese side, 6 did not appear in the US records. They are: Hu Boyuan, Zhang Guohui, He Qingzeng, Zhang Yizhi, Bao Xifan and Zhong Xinxuan. The last four of them did not go to the United States with Tsinghua President Zhou Yichun until August 1913 Study abroad. Conversely, of the 70 students actually arrived in the US records, 13 did not appear in the Chinese records. They are: Lu Shouwen, Lei Enci, Shen Suming, Tan Baoshou, Zhou Yanxun, Zhang Chuanxin, Liu Dajun, Sun Chengzu, Guo Xiangxian , Lin Jiancheng, Zhuo Yingsi, Shi Ailan, Lu Mulan and Mrs. Gao Lunjin. This is the biggest difference between the Chinese admission list and the actual number of arrivals. Among them, Zhang Chuanxin may be the alias of Zhang Guohui. There are too many cases of this situation among the three groups of students. As mentioned earlier, the name of Jiang Lifu in this group is Jiang Jiangzuo’s signature in the US record. Huang Hanliang is Huang Guodong in the American records, and so on. According to the records of the United States, there is one person named Shen Suming among the group of foreign students with the Boxer grant, and the person in the Chinese records is in the second batch of lists, which shows that Shen Suming did not follow the second batch of international students to the United States, but went with the third batch. Shi Ailan's name is also included in the third batch, and it is indicated as a girl. She is not in the Chinese records. Shen Suming and Shi Aiyan later married. There is another couple in this group of students, Lu Shoujing and Lu Mulan. Lu Mulan’s English name is Mrs. Lu Shou Ching (Mrs. Lu Shou Ching), and her Chinese signature is Lu Mulan. It is estimated that "Lu" is her husband’s surname instead of her original name. Last name, and Lu Mulan is still listed as one of the group of Geng scholarship students. The destination is Boston. Regarding this couple, there is an annotation in figure 144 in the Chinese passenger list document. Lu Shoujing reads: American passport reads SK Loh, Lu Mulan The following reads: American passport reads Mrs SK Loh, which means that the names on the two American passports are SK Loh and Mrs. SkLoh, which means that they both have American passports and are American citizens. In addition, there is Mrs. Gao Lunjin in the US list, written in English as Mrs. Kao Luen Ching. Gao Lunjin himself is the first batch of students studying in the United States with the G-type scholarship. Mrs. Gao Lunjin also brought a son, Kao Keh Ting, without signature and unknown Chinese name. There is an age column in the passenger list. Kao Keh Ting fills in the age of 2 years and 2 months. In July 1909, Gao Lunjin was only 3 months old when he went abroad in October 1909. This time Mrs. Gao is also a student, but the destination for her and her son is Detroit (Gao Lunjin should be still studying at the University of Michigan at this time), instead of Boston, which is filled in by most students with the Boxer grade. There is no record of her in the Chinese record. Name, so Gao Lunjin should not belong to the third group of students studying in the United States with the G-fund grant. He may have studied at his own expense. On the passenger list, the two of them wrote "on parole" in their records, which means that the entry of the two is conditional. . However, it did not specify the specific conditions. Even if the two ladies of Lu Gao are not officially Geng student, the record still shows that Shi Ailan is. This shows that the third batch of Geng student beautiful students began in 1911. The specific number of students still needs more information to find out. . Here are the other pictures in the Chinese passenger list file
p138
p139
p141, paste the signature together
p143
p144
p145, still spelling the signature
A page in the full passenger list file
p481 FS
p482 FS
Judging from the Chinese list of all foreign nationals, all the students indicate that the travel expenses are paid by the Chinese government. Does this mean that these students are all students with the Boxer grant? It does not seem to be an ironclad proof. Regarding the three groups of Qing Dynasty students studying in the United States, the Chinese documents mostly recorded domestic processes, such as examinations, admission lists, etc., while the US archives provided the actual situation of these students' arrival in the United States, which complemented the Chinese information. The first batch of American students entered the United States on November 6, 1909, the second batch of entry date was September 10, 1910, and the third batch of entry date was September 4, 1911. These dates also determined an important date in the life of these international students, and even filled many gaps in the study of characters. The most precious thing is the Chinese signatures of overseas students. These Chinese elites collectively left their autographs, making these documents not only of historical significance, but also of cultural relic value.There are several points worth noting about these incoming files in the US National Archives. First of all, among the three batches of students studying in the United States with the Boxer Grant, the actual number of students who arrived in the United States is different from the Chinese admission list. There are always more actual arrivals than on the list; secondly, the third batch of students studying in the United States may have more than one female student. This is the beginning of the sending of female students to the United States with the Boxer Fund. In addition, among the second batch of international students, some have already studied in the United States before, this time they took the domestic examination in China, and then returned to the United States as the second batch of official foreign students. There may be as many as four back-to-school students. These are topics that need to be explored and studied in depth. In addition, several of these students studying in the United States are American citizens.
Appendix: In 1908, Tang Shaoyi led a Qing delegation to visit the United States. The United States decided to refund part of Boxer’s indemnity. The interaction with the Qing government on this matter occurred in 1908. In November of that year, the Qing government sent Tang Shaoyi to visit the United States. Express thankfulness. A dozen students who followed Tang Shaoyi's visit to the United States went to the United States to study. The National Archives of the United States has archives on Tang Shaoyi's diplomatic activities before and after his visit to the United States (12, hereinafter referred to as file 6), which records the names of these students. Picture 514 of File 6 is a letter from the four ministers (Na Tong, Yuan Shikai, Lianfang, and Liang Dunyan) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Qing Dynasty to WW Rockhill, the U.S. Minister to China. It mentions students, saying that these students went at their own expense. The United States, accompanied by Tang Shaoyi's delegation, and then attached a list of students (picture 515), there are 16 students, mostly under the age of 17, only one is 20 years old, one is 25 years old, and the youngest is 12 years old.Tang Shaoyi and his entourage arrived at the Port of San Francisco on November 22, 1908 on the Mongolian cruise ship (ssMongolia). Their entry status was also recorded in the aforementioned two entry file series. The corresponding documents of the Immigration Bureau are: October 28, 1907, SS Asia-November 22, 1908, SS Mongolia (ID= 102050895 ), the same time period in the passenger list of the shipping company is September 15, 1908, City of Para-January 1, 1909, SS Siberia (ID= 120134262 ), now file The list of students in Grade 7 and Grade 8 are listed in Table 4. The Chinese signatures of these students in Grade 8 are also listed in Table 4. Box 8 lists the birthday of each student, and now calculates their age based on this. In contrast, except for some major differences, most of the Chinese are one year older than the Americans. This may be because of China. The calculation method of a person's virtual age.
File six
age
File Seven
File eight
Age
signature
Kwan Pao-chun
12
Kwan Pao Chun
Kwan Pao Chun
11
Guan Baojun
Kwan Tsu-chang
15
Kwan Tsoo Chang
Kwang Tsoo Chang
14
Guan Zuzhang
Chan Wen-kwang
17
Jeme Mun Kwang
Jemly Mun Kwang
16
Zhan Wenjue
Chan Wen-tsung
16
Jeme Mun Chung
Jemly Mun Chung
18
Zhan Wencong
Chang Tsu-jung
18
Chang Choo Wing
Chang Chao Wing
17
Zhang Zurong
Chang-chih
16
Chang Tse
Tse Chang
15
Zhang Zhi
Chu Chi-ho
14
Chu Chih Wo
Chu Chih Wo
12
He Zhizhu
On Wen-tuo
15
Tong Mun To
Tong Mun To
13
Tang Wentao
Lu Ping-yu
12
Loo Ping Yok
Loo Ping Yok
15
Lu Bingyu
Liang Ying-ch'i
16
Liang Ying Chi
Liang Ying Chi
20
Liang Yingqi
Hsu Shih-chang
20
Hsu Shih Tschang
Hsu Shih Chang
19
Zhang Shixu
Tsou Ying-hsien
25
Tsou Ying Hsuan
Tsou Ying Hsien
twenty four
Xian Ying Zou
T'ang Wen-chuen
18
Ch'en Ta-chen
19
Ch'en Kee Chuck
Chun Kee Chuck
16
Chen Qizhuo
Tong Yue Kit
Tong Yu Kit
17
Tang Yujie
Tong Siu Hong
Tong Siu Hong
18
Tang Ruikang
Tong Su Hua
Tang Siu Hua
17
Tang Ruihua
Hong Lay Zia
Zia Lay Hong
35
Hong Lay Zia
Comparing the columns in Table 4, it can be found that there are also differences between the name list of students submitted by China and the actual number of people who have arrived, and the difference in name spelling is second. First of all, the Chinese list is 16 people, the immigration file and the Chinese passenger list are both 17 people, the last person Zia Lay Hong signed in English, so his Chinese name is unknown (Zia should be "thank"). This person is the eldest among the group of students. He was born in 1873 and was 35 years old in 1908. He may be a Christian, because his study major is the Bible and the time is 18 months. The others are all 10 years. . Among the remaining 16 people, On Ching Chu, T'ang Wen Ch'uen, Ch'en Ta-chen, Ch'en Ta-hsianng 4 people could not find a match or approximate spelling in the US list, and the corresponding 4 in the US list They are Chun Kee Chuck (Chen Kee Chuck), Tong Yu Kit (Tong Yu Kit), Tong Siu Hong (Tong Siu Hong) and Tong Siu Hun (Tong Siu Hun). This group of students can be said to be the forerunners of the Gengzi indemnity students dispatched to the United States. Although they are not refunded by the Boxer indemnity or sponsored by the national government, it is unlikely that all of them will be paid at their own expense. It is very likely that they will be funded by local governments or some institutions. Organizations, and even sponsored by the squire family.The following is a picture of the original record:
P438 in the immigration file,
Chinese passenger file p342
p341, signature
Picture FS in the list of all foreign passengers
The pictures in this article with the letters FS are from Familysearch, and the rest are from Ancestry
Chinese Americans, also known as the American Chinese, are Americans who have full or partial Chinese ancestry. Chinese Americans constitute one group of overseas Chinese and also a subgroup of East Asian Americans, which is further a subgroup of Asian Americans. Many Chinese Americans are immigrants along with their descendants from mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, as well as from other countries that include large populations of the Chinese diaspora.[6] The vast majority of Chinese Americans are Han, however there are some communities of minority groups such as Tibetans and Korean Chinese.
The Chinese American community is the largest overseas Chinese community outside of Asia. It is also the third largest in the Chinese diaspora, behind the Chinese communities in Thailand and Malaysia. The Chinese American community comprises the largest ethnic group of Asian Americans, comprising 25.9% of the Asian American population as of 2010. Americans of Chinese descent, including those with partial Chinese ancestry constitute 1.2% of the total U.S. population as of 2010. According to the 2010 census, the Chinese American population numbered approximately 3.8 million.[7] In 2010, half of Chinese-born people living in the United States resided in the states of California and New York.[8]The Chinese American experience has been documented at the Museum of Chinese in America in Manhattan's Chinatown since 1980.Contents [hide]1 History2 Demographics2.1 Population2.2 Cultural centers3 Social status and assimilation3.1 Stereotypes4 Language5 Religion6 Politics7 Immigration8 Socioeconomics8.1 Education8.2 Employment8.3 Economics9 Ethnic minorities10 Notable Chinese Americans11 See also12 References13 Further reading14 External linksHistory[edit]Main article: Chinese American historySee also: Yellow Peril, Anti-Chinese sentiment in the United States, Chinese immigration to Hawaii, and Chinese immigration to Puerto RicoThe first Chinese immigrants arrived in 1820, according to U.S. government records. 325 men are known to have arrived before the 1849 California Gold Rush,[9] which drew the first significant number of laborers from China who mined for gold and performed menial labor.[10][11][12] There were 25,000 immigrants by 1852, and 105,465 by 1880, most of whom lived on the West Coast. They formed over a tenth of California's population. Nearly all of the early immigrants were young males with low educational levels from six districts in Guangdong Province.[13]
In the 1850s, Chinese workers migrated to the United States, first to work in the gold mines, but also to take agricultural jobs, and factory work, especially in the garment industry. Chinese immigrants were particularly instrumental in building railroads in the American west, and as Chinese laborers grew successful in the United States, a number of them became entrepreneurs in their own right. As the numbers of Chinese laborers increased, so did the strength of anti-Chinese sentiment among other workers in the American economy. This finally resulted in legislation that aimed to limit future immigration of Chinese workers to the United States, and threatened to sour diplomatic relations between the United States and China; The Chinese Exclusion Act[14]
The Chinese came to California in large numbers during the California Gold Rush, with 40,400 being recorded as arriving from 1851–1860, and again in the 1860s, when the Central Pacific Railroad recruited large labor gangs, many on five-year contracts, to build its portion of the Transcontinental Railroad. The Chinese laborers worked out well and thousands more were recruited until the railroad's completion in 1869. Chinese labor provided the massive workforce needed to build the majority of the Central Pacific's difficult route through the Sierra Nevada mountains and across Nevada.
American objections to Chinese immigration took many forms, and generally stemmed from economic and cultural tensions, as well as ethnic discrimination. Most Chinese laborers who came to the United States did so in order to send money back to China to support their families there. At the same time, they also had to repay loans to the Chinese merchants who paid their passage to America. These financial pressures left them little choice but to work for whatever wages they could. Non-Chinese laborers often required much higher wages to support their wives and children in the United States, and also generally had a stronger political standing to bargain for higher wages. Therefore, many of the non-Chinese workers in the United States came to resent the Chinese laborers, who might squeeze them out of their jobs. Furthermore, as with most immigrant communities, many Chinese settled in their own neighborhoods, and tales spread of Chinatowns as places where large numbers of Chinese men congregated to visit prostitutes, smoke opium, or gamble. Some advocates of anti-Chinese legislation therefore argued that admitting Chinese into the United States lowered the cultural and moral standards of American society. Others used a more overtly racist argument for limiting immigration from East Asia, and expressed concern about the integrity of American racial composition.[14]
To address these rising social tensions, from the 1850s through the 1870s the California state government passed a series of measures aimed at Chinese residents, ranging from requiring special licenses for Chinese businesses or workers to preventing naturalization. Because anti-Chinese discrimination and efforts to stop Chinese immigration violated the 1868 Burlingame-Seward Treaty with China, the federal government was able to negate much of this legislation.[14]
The Chinese population rose from 2,716 in 1851 to 63,000 by 1871. In the decade 1861-70, 64,301 were recorded as arriving, followed by 123,201 in 1871-80 and 61,711 in 1881-1890. 77% were located in California, with the rest scattered across the West, the South, and New England.[15] Most came from Southern China looking for a better life, escaping a high rate of poverty left after the Taiping Rebellion.
In 1879, advocates of immigration restriction succeeded in introducing and passing legislation in Congress to limit the number of Chinese arriving to fifteen per ship or vessel. Republican President Rutherford B. Hayes vetoed the bill because it violated U.S. treaty agreements with China. Nevertheless, it was still an important victory for advocates of exclusion. Democrats, led by supporters in the West, advocated for all-out exclusion of Chinese immigrants. Although Republicans were largely sympathetic to western concerns, they were committed to a platform of free immigration. In order to placate the western states without offending China, President Hayes sought a revision of the Burlingame-Seward Treaty (Burlingame Treaty) in which China agreed to limit immigration to the United States.[14]
In 1880, the Hayes Administration appointed U.S. diplomat James B. Angell to negotiate a new treaty with China. The resulting Angell Treaty permitted the United States to restrict, but not completely prohibit, Chinese immigration. In 1882, Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act, which, per the terms of the Angell Treaty, suspended the immigration of Chinese laborers (skilled or unskilled) for a period of 10 years. The Act also required every Chinese person traveling in or out of the country to carry a certificate identifying his or her status as a laborer, scholar, diplomat, or merchant. The 1882 Act was the first in American history to place broad restrictions on immigration.[14]
For American presidents and Congressmen addressing the question of Chinese exclusion, the challenge was to balance domestic attitudes and politics, which dictated an anti-Chinese policy, while maintaining good diplomatic relations with China, where exclusion would be seen as an affront and a violation of treaty promises. The domestic factors ultimately trumped international concerns. In 1888, Congress took exclusion even further and passed the Scott Act, which made reentry to the United States after a visit to China impossible, even for long-term legal residents. The Chinese Government considered this act a direct insult, but was unable to prevent its passage. In 1892, Congress voted to renew exclusion for ten years in the Geary Act, and in 1902, the prohibition was expanded to cover Hawaii and the Philippines, all over strong objections from the Chinese Government and people. Congress later extended the Exclusion Act indefinitely.[14]
The initial immigration group may have been as high as 90% male due to the Chinese Exclusion act, resulting in most immigrants coming with the thought of earning money, and then returning to China to start a family. Those that stayed in America faced the lack of suitable Chinese brides, because Chinese women were not allowed to immigrate to the US in significant numbers after 1872. As a result, many isolated mostly-bachelor communities slowly aged in place with very low Chinese birth rates. Later, as a result of the Fourteenth Amendment and the 1898 United States v. Wong Kim Ark Supreme Court decision, ethnic Chinese born in the United States became American citizens.
The Chinese Exclusion Acts were not repealed until 1943, and then only in the interests of aiding the morale of a wartime ally during World War II. With relations already complicated by the Opium Wars and the Treaties of Wangxia and Tianjian, the increasingly harsh restrictions on Chinese immigration, combined with the rising discrimination against Chinese living in the United States in the 1870s-early 1900s, placed additional strain on the diplomatic relationship between the United States and China.[14]
In the mid 1850s, 70 to 150 Chinese were living in New York City and 11 of them married Irish women. In 1906, The New York Times (6 August) reported that 300 white women (Irish American) were married to Chinese men in New York, with many more cohabited. In 1900, based on Liang research, of the 120,000 men in more than 20 Chinese communities in the United States, he estimated that one out of every twenty Chinese men (Cantonese) was married to white women.[16] In the 1960s census showed 3500 Chinese men married to white women and 2900 Chinese women married to white men.[17] Originally at the start of the 20th century there was a 55% rate of Chinese men in New York engaging in interracial marriage which was maintained in the 1920s but in the 1930s it slid to 20%.[18]
During and after World War II, severe immigration restrictions were eased as the United States allied with China against Japanese expansionism. Later reforms in the 1960s placed increasing value on family unification, allowing relatives of U.S. citizens to receive preference in immigration.
The Chinese American experience has been documented at the Museum of Chinese in America in Manhattan's Chinatown since 1980.
Demographics[edit]Main article: List of U.S. cities with significant Chinese American populationsSee also: Demographics of the United States and list of common Chinese American surnamesPopulation[edit]
This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (February 2013) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)The chart on the right shows the total number of ethnic Chinese in the United States since 1850.[19][20]
Historical populationYear Pop. ±%1850 4,018 — 1860 34,933 +769.4%1870 63,199 +80.9%1880 105,465 +66.9%1890 107,488 +1.9%1900 89,863 −16.4%1910 71,531 −20.4%1920 61,639 −13.8%1930 74,954 +21.6%1940 77,504 +3.4%1950 117,629 +51.8%1960 237,292 +101.7%1970 435,062 +83.3%1980 806,040 +85.3%1990 1,645,472 +104.1%2000 2,432,585 +47.8%2010 3,347,229 +37.6%
Percentage of Chinese population in the United States, 2000.According to the 2012 Census estimates,[22] the three metropolitan areas with the largest Chinese American populations were the Greater New York Combined Statistical Area at 735,019 people, the San Jose-San Francisco-Oakland Combined Statistical Area at 629,243 people, and the Greater Los Angeles Combined Statistical Area at about 566,968 people. New York City is home to the highest Chinese American population of any city proper (522,619), while the Los Angeles County city of Monterey Park has the highest percentage of Chinese Americans of any municipality, at 43.7% of its population, or 24,758 people.
The states with the largest estimated Chinese American populations, according to both the 2010 Census, were California (1,253,100; 3.4%), New York (577,000; 3.0%), Texas (157,000; 0.6%), New Jersey (134,500; 1.5%), Massachusetts (123,000; 1.9%), Illinois (104,200; 0.8%), Washington (94,200; 1.4%), Pennsylvania (85,000; 0.7%), Maryland (69,400; 1.2%), Virginia (59,800; 0.7%), and Ohio (51,033; 0.5%). The state of Hawaii has the highest concentration of Chinese Americans at 4.0%, or 55,000 people.
The New York metropolitan area, consisting of New York City, Long Island, and nearby areas within the states of New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and Pennsylvania, is home to the largest Chinese American population of any metropolitan area within the United States and the largest Chinese population outside of China, enumerating 682,265 individuals as of the 2010 United States Census,[23] and including at least nine Chinatowns. Continuing significant immigration from Mainland China, both legal[24][25] and illegal[26] in origin, has spurred the ongoing rise of the Chinese American population in the New York metropolitan area; this immigration continues to be fueled by New York's status as an alpha global city, its high population density, its extensive mass transit system, and the New York metropolitan area's enormous economic marketplace.
Also on the East Coast, the Washington, Boston, and Philadelphia metropolitan areas have significant Chinese American communities. The Washington, D.C. suburbs of Montgomery County, Maryland, and Fairfax County, Virginia, are 3.9% and 2.4% Chinese American, respectively. Boston's Chinatown is the only historical Chinese neighborhood within New England. The Boston suburb of Quincy also has a prominent Chinese American population, especially within the North Quincy area.[27]
San Francisco, California has the highest per capita concentration of Chinese Americans of any major city in the United States, at an estimated 21.4%, or 172,181 people, and contains the second-largest total number of Chinese Americans of any U.S. city. San Francisco's Chinatown was established in the 1840s, making it the oldest Chinatown in North America and one of the largest neighborhoods of Chinese people outside of Asia,[28][29] composed in large part by immigrants hailing from Guangdong province and also many from Hong Kong. The San Francisco neighborhoods of Sunset District and Richmond District also contain significant Chinese populations.
In addition to the big cities, smaller pockets of Chinese Americans are also dispersed in rural towns, often university-college towns, throughout the United States. For example, the number of Chinese Americans, including college professors, doctors, professionals, and students, has increased over 200% from 2005 to 2010 in Providence, Rhode Island, a small city with a large number of colleges.
Income and social status of these Chinese-American locations vary widely. Although many Chinese Americans in Chinatowns of large cities are often members of an impoverished working class, others are well-educated upper-class people living in affluent suburbs. The upper and lower-class Chinese are also widely separated by social status and class discrimination. In California's San Gabriel Valley, for example, the cities of Monterey Park and San Marino are both Chinese American communities lying geographically close to each other but they are separated by a large socioeconomic gap.
A third of a million Chinese Americans are not United States citizens.[30]
Cultural centers[edit]
New York City is home to the largest Chinese American population of any city proper, over half million.[31] Multiple large Chinatowns in Manhattan, Brooklyn (above), and Queens are thriving as traditionally urban enclaves, as large-scale Chinese immigration continues into New York,[32][33][34][35][36] with the largest metropolitan Chinese population outside Asia.[37][38]
San Francisco is home to the second largest Chinese community in the United States in number and the largest in percentage.A list of large cities (250,000+ residents) with a Chinese-American population in excess of 1% of the general population in 2010.[7]
Rank City State Chinese-Americans Percentage1 San Francisco California 172,181 21.42 Honolulu Hawaii 38,330 10.23 Oakland California 34,083 8.74 San Jose California 63,434 6.75 New York City New York 486,463 6.06 Plano Texas 13,592 5.27 Sacramento California 20,307 4.48 Seattle Washington 27,216 4.19 Boston Massachusetts 24,910 4.010 San Diego California 35,661 2.711 Philadelphia Pennsylvania 30,069 2.012 Stockton California 5,188 1.813 Los Angeles California 66,782 1.814 Portland Oregon 9,113 1.715 Chicago Illinois 43,228 1.616 Anaheim California 4,738 1.417 Houston Texas 29,429 1.318 Austin Texas 8,886 1.219 Pittsburgh Pennsylvania 3,402 1.120 Riverside California 2,985 1.0Social status and assimilation[edit]Some noteworthy historical Chinese contributions include building the western half of the Transcontinental Railroad, and levees in the Sacramento River Delta; the popularization of Chinese American food; and the introduction of Chinese and East Asian culture to America, such as Buddhism, Taoism, and Kung fu.
Chinese immigrants to the United States brought many of their ideas and values with them. Some of these have continued to influence later generations. Among them are Confucian respect for elders.[39] Similarly, education and the civil service were the most important path for upward social mobility in China.[39][40] The first Broadway show about Asian Americans was Flower Drum Song which premiered on Broadway in 1958;[41] the hit Chinglish premiered on Broadway in 2011.[42]
In most American cities with significant Chinese populations, the new year is celebrated with cultural festivals and parties. In Seattle, the Chinese Culture and Arts Festival is held every year. Other important festivals include the Dragon Boat Festival and the Mid-Autumn Festival.
Stereotypes[edit]Analysis indicated that most non-Asian Americans do not differentiate between Chinese Americans and East Asian Americans generally, and perceptions of both groups are nearly identical.[43] A 2001 survey of Americans' attitudes toward Asian Americans and Chinese Americans indicated that one fourth of the respondents had somewhat or very negative attitude toward Chinese Americans in general.[44] The study did find several positive perceptions of Chinese Americans: strong family values (91%); honesty as entrepreneurs (77%); high value on education (67%).[43]
Language[edit]Main article: Chinese language and varieties in the United StatesChinese is the third most-spoken language in the United States, almost completely spoken within Chinese American populations and by immigrants or the descendants of immigrants, especially in California.[45] Over 2 million Americans speak some variety of Chinese, with Mandarin Chinese becoming increasingly common due to immigration from China and replacing Cantonese.[45]
In New York City at least, although Standard Chinese (Mandarin) is spoken as a native language among only 10% of American born Chinese speakers, it is used as a secondary dialect to English.[46] In addition, immigration from Fujian is bringing an increasingly large number of Min speakers. Varieties of Wu Chinese is now spoken by a minority of recent Chinese immigrants hailing from Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Shanghai.
Although Chinese Americans grow up learning English, some teach their children Chinese for a variety of reasons: preservation of an ancient civilization, preservation of a group identity, preservation of their cultural ancestry, desire for easy communication with each other and their relatives, and the perception that Chinese is a very useful language, regardless of China's economic strength. Although Simplified Chinese is the most oft-written language in China,[47] United States public notices and signage in Chinese are generally in Traditional Chinese.[48]
Religion[edit]Circle frame.svgReligions of Chinese Americans (2012)[4][5]
Protestantism (22%) Buddhism (15%) Catholic Church (8%) Other (3%) Not declared (52%)The Chinese American community differs from the rest of the population in that the majority of Chinese Americans do not report a religious affiliation. 43% of Chinese Americans switched to a different religion and 54% stayed within their childhood religion within their lifetime. According to the Pew Research Center's 2012 Asian-American Survey, 52% of Chinese Americans aged 15 and over said that they didn't have any religious affiliation. This is also compared with the religious affiliation of Asian American average of 26% and a national average of 19%.
Of Chinese Americans who were religious, 15% were Buddhist, 8% were Catholic, and 22% belonged to a Protestant denomination. Fully half of Chinese Americans (52%)—including 55% of those born in the U.S. and 51% of those born overseas—describe themselves as religiously unaffiliated. Because Chinese Americans are the largest subgroup of Asian Americans, nearly half of all religiously unaffiliated Asians in the U.S. are of Chinese descent (49%).[4][5]
Politics[edit]Chinese Americans are divided among many subgroups based on factors such as age, nativity, and socioeconomic status and politics between China and the United States, or about Chinese nationalism. Different subgroups of Chinese Americans also have radically different and sometimes very conflicting political priorities and goals.
In 2013, Chinese Americans were the least likely Asian American ethnicity to be affiliated with a political party.[49]
Nonetheless, Chinese Americans are clustered in majority-Democratic states and have increasingly voted Democratic in recent presidential elections, following the trend for Asian Americans in general.[50] Polling just before the 2004 U.S. Presidential Election found John Kerry was favored by 58% of Chinese Americans and George W. Bush by only 23%,[51] as compared with a 54/44 split in California, a 58/40 split in New York, and a 48/51 split in America as a whole on Election Day itself. In the 2012 presidential election, 81% of Chinese American voters selected Barack Obama over Mitt Romney.[52]
Chinese Americans were an important source of funds for Han revolutionaries during the later Qing dynasty, and Sun Yat-sen was raising money in America at the time of the Xinhai Revolution, which established the Republic of China. During the Cultural Revolution, Chinese Americans, as overseas Chinese in general, were viewed as capitalist traitors by the PRC government. This attitude changed dramatically in the late 1970s with the reforms of Deng Xiaoping. Increasingly, Chinese Americans were seen as sources of business and technical expertise and capital who could aid in China's economic and other growth in the People's Republic of China has given mainland Chinese more opportunities to emigrate. A 2011 survey showed that 60% of Chinese millionaires plan to emigrate and 40% of Chinese millionaires selecting the United States as the top destination for immigration.[53][54][55][56][57][58] The EB-5 Investment Visa allows many powerful Chinese to seek U.S. citizenship, and recent reports show that 75% of applicants for this visa in 2011 were Chinese.[59][60] Chinese multimillionaires benefited most from the EB-5 Immigrant Investor Program in the U.S. Now, as long as one has at least US$500,000 to invest in projects listed by United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), where it is possible to get an EB-5 green card that comes with permanent U.S. residency rights, but only in states specified by the pilot article: Model minorityEducation[edit]Overall, as a demographic group, Chinese Americans are highly educated and earn higher incomes when compared to other demographic groups in the United States.[63] Educational achievements of Chinese in the United States are one of the highest among Asian Americans and also among all ethnic groups in the United States.[64] Chinese Americans often have some of the highest averages in tests such as SAT, GRE, etc. in the United States. Although verbal scores lag somewhat due to the influx of new immigrants, combined SAT scores have also been higher than for most Americans. Chinese Americans are the largest racial group on all but one of the nine fully established University of California campuses.[65][66][67][68]
They are the largest group among US National Merit Scholarship awardees in California,[citation needed] They are more likely to apply to competitively elite higher education institutions.[69][70][71][72] They also constitute 24% of all Olympic Seattle Scholarship winners, 33% of USA Math Olympiad winners, 15.5% of Putnam Math Competition winners, and 36% of Duke Talent Identification Grand Recognition Ceremony attendees from the Dallas Metropolitan area.[73][74]
International students studying at various higher education institutions around the United States account for a significant percentage of the international student body. International undergraduates, who make up 8% of Duke's undergraduate body, come from China more than any other country.[75][76] International Chinese students also comprise 11% of the nearly 5,800 freshmen at the University of Washington.[77] Mainland China is the top sending country of international students to the United States.[78][79] As a result of its growing economy and large population, more middle-class families from China are able to afford American college tuition, bringing an influx of Chinese students to study abroad in the United States. With a more diverse educational background and higher level of English proficiency, international Chinese students also value American degrees, as it gives them a notable advantage over their college-educated counterparts in China by the time they return to their native country to seek employment.[80]
Due to cultural factors, many Chinese international students are brand name conscious, choosing nationally ranked elite higher education institutes throughout the United States as their target schools.[81][82][83] International Chinese students are also widely found at many elite liberal arts colleges such as Barnard College and Mount Holyoke.[84][85] Students from China gravitate towards Americans colleges and universities for their high quality and the style of education which stresses interdisciplinary approaches, creativity, student participation and critical thinking.[83]
Chinese students comprise 18% of the international student population in America, and make up 32.2% of the undergraduate students and 48.8% of the graduate students. Chinese international students tend to gravitate towards technical majors that involve heavy use of mathematics and the natural sciences. 27.5% of international Chinese students study business management, finance, or economics, 19.2% study engineering, 11.5% study the life sciences and 10.6% study math or computer science.[86]
Largely driven by educational immigration, among American PhD recipients in fields related to science and engineering, 25% of the recipients are ethnic Chinese.[87] According to the 2010 U.S. Census Bureau of Labor Statistics, 51.8% of all Chinese Americans have attained at least a bachelor's degree, compared with 28.2% nationally and 49.9% for all Asian American groups. The Census reports that 54.7% of Chinese American men attained a bachelor's degree and 49.3% of Chinese American women attained a bachelor's degree. In addition, 26.6% of all Chinese Americans in the United States possess a master's, doctorate or other professional degree, compared to 20.3% for all Asian Americans, and is roughly two and a half times above the national average, with high educational attainment largely driven by educational immigration.[27][88]
Bachelor's Degree or Higher Educational Attainment[27]Ethnicity Percent of PopulationTaiwanese 73.6%Chinese 51.8%Japanese 47.4%White American 29.5%Vietnamese 25.2%Total US Population 28.2%Employment[edit]
Technology conglomerates such as (pictured above) located within technology centers across the United States, including California's Silicon Valley, remain attractive hotspots for Chinese Americans and foreign-born Chinese entrepreneurs from all over the world.[89]There has been a significant change in the perceptions about Chinese Americans. In as little as 100 years of American history, stereotypes of Chinese Americans have changed to portraying a hard working and educated minority. Thus, most Chinese Americans work as white collar professionals, many of whom are highly educated, salaried professionals whose work is largely self-directed in management, professional, and related occupations such as engineering, medicine, investment banking, law, and academia. 53.1% of Chinese Americans work in many white collar professions compared with 48.1% for all Asian Americans and a national average of 35.1%.[27] They make up 2% of working physicians in the United States.[90] Chinese Americans also make up a third of the Asian American high tech professional workforce and a tenth of the entire Silicon Valley workforce.[91] Chinese Americans also hold lower unemployment rates than the population average with a figure of 4.7% compared to a national rate of 5.9% in 2010.[27]
Many Chinese Americans have turned to the high tech center to jump-start potential computer and internet startups to capitalize on the regions wealth of venture capital, business expertise, and cultural and financial incentives for innovation. Ethnic Chinese have been successful in starting new firms in technology centers across the United States, including California's Silicon Valley. Chinese Americans have been disproportionately successful in high technology sectors, as evidenced by the Goldsea 100 Compilation of America's Most Successful Asian Entrepreneurs.[92] Chinese Americans accounted for 4% of people listed in the 1998 Forbes Hi Tech 100 List.[73]
Annalee Saxenian, a UC Berkeley professor, whose research interests include the contribution of Chinese immigrants on America's technology concludes that in Silicon Valley, carried out a study that showed that since 1998, one out of five high tech start-ups in Silicon Valley were led by Chinese Americans. During the same year, 5 of the 8 fastest growing companies had Chinese American CEO's except for Yahoo, whose Jerry Yang was a founder but not a CEO. In Silicon Valley there are at least 2 to 3 dozen Chinese American organizations according to professional interests each with at least 100 members. One prominent organization of which is the Committee of 100.[93] Immigrants from China and Taiwan were key founders in 12.8% of all Silicon Valley start-ups between 1995 and 2005.[94] Almost 6% of the immigrants who founded companies in the innovation/manufacturing-related services field are from China and Taiwan.[95]
Research funded by the Public Policy Institute of California indicates that in 1996, 1,786 Silicon Valley technology companies with $12.5 billion in sales and 46,000 employees were run by Indian or Chinese executives. Moreover, the pace of entrepreneurship among local immigrants is increasing rapidly. While Chinese or Indian executives are at the helm of 13% of the Silicon Valley technology businesses started between 1980 and 1985, they are running 27% of the more than 4,000 businesses started between 1991 and 1996.[96] Start-up firms remain a primary source for new ideas and innovation for Chinese American internet entrepreneurs. Many of them are employed or directly engaged in new start-up activities. The proportional share of start-up firms by ethnic Chinese in Silicon Valley skyrocketed from 9% in 1980-1984 to about 20% between 1995-1998.[97] By 2006, Chinese American internet entrepreneurs continued to start 20% of all Silicon Valley start-up firms, leading 2000 Silicon Valley companies, and employing 58,000 workers.[87] They still continue to own about 20% of all information technology companies that were founded in Silicon Valley since 1980.
Numerous professional organizations in perspective in the 1990s as a support network for fellow Chinese American high tech start-ups in the valley.[98] Between 1980 and 1999, 17% of the 11,443 high-tech firms in Silicon Valley - including some 40 publicly traded firms were controlled by ethnic Chinese. In 1990, Chinese Americans made up a third of the Asian American high tech professional workforce or 11% of the entire Silicon Valley professional workforce. In 1998, Chinese Americans managed 2001 firms, employing 41,684 workers, and ran up 13.2 billion in sales. They also account for 17% of all Silicon Valley firm owners, 10% of the professional workforce in the Valley, and 13.5% of the total sales accounting for less than 1% of the U.S. population at the time.[99]
Though Chinese Americans are also noted for their high rates of self-employment, as they have an extensive history of self-employment dating back to the California Gold Rush in the 1880s,[100] However, as more Chinese Americans seek higher education to elevate themselves socioeconomically, rates of self-employment are generally lower than population average.[101] In 2007, there were over 109,614 Chinese-owned employer firms, employing more than 780,000 workers, and generating more than $128 billion in revenue.[102]
Among Chinese-owned U.S. firms, 40% were in the professional, scientific, and technical services sector; the accommodation and food services sector; and the repair, maintenance, personal, and laundry services sector. Chinese-owned U.S. firms comprised 2% of all U.S. businesses in these sectors. Wholesale trade and accommodation and food services accounted for 50.4% of Chinese-owned business revenue. 66,505 or 15.7% of Chinese-owned firms had receipts of $250,000 or more compared with 2% for all U.S. Americans tend to follow the residence pattern set by other Americans. Members of the community believe in the symbolic importance of owning homes; accordingly, Chinese Americans tend to save money and make other monetary sacrifices earlier on in order to purchase their own homes as soon as possible.With their above average educational attainment rates, Chinese Americans from all socioeconomic backgrounds have achieved significant advances in their educational levels, income, life expectancy, and other social indicators as the financial and socioeconomic opportunities offered by the United States have lifted many Chinese Americans out of poverty, bringing them into the ranks of America's middle class, upper middle class, as well as the enjoyment of substantial well being.[108]
Chinese Americans are more likely to own homes than the general American population. According to the 2000 U.S. Census, 65% of Chinese Americans owned a home, higher than the total population's rate of 54%.[109][110] In 2003, real estate economist Gary Painter of the University of Southern California Lusk Center for Real Estate Research found out that when comparing homeowners with similar income levels Los Angeles, the Chinese-American home-ownership rate is 20% higher than Whites; in San Francisco, 23% higher; and in the New York metropolitan area, 18% higher.[111] A 2008 Asian Real Estate Association of America report released on behalf of the American community survey, Chinese Americans living in the states of Texas, New York, and California all had high home ownership rates that were significantly near or above the general population average.[112]
According to the 2010 U.S. Census, Chinese American men had a full-time median income of $57,061 and Chinese American women had a median income of $47,224. Chinese Americans also have one of the highest median household incomes among most demographic groups in the United States, which is 30% higher than the national average but is slightly lower compared with the Asian American population.[27]
Median Household Income: 2010[27]Ethnicity Household IncomeTaiwanese $68,809Asian $67,022Chinese $65,273Non-Hispanic White $52,480Scottish $52,444Korean $50,316Total US Population $50,046Despite positive economic indicators, a number of economic deterrents have been noted to afflict the Chinese American community. While median income remains above some ethnic groups in the United States, studies in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis revealed that Asian men have the highest rate of persistent long-term unemployment.[113]
Ethnic minorities[edit]While the vast majority of Chinese Americans are of the Han ethnicity, there are also some ethnic minorities in China who have immigrated to the United States directly from the People's Republic of China.
A community numbering 20,000 Korean-Chinese (Chaoxianzu (Chinese: 朝鲜族) or Joseonjok (Hangul: 조선족)) is centered in Flushing, Queens, while New York City is also home to the largest Tibetan population outside China, India, and Nepal, also centered in Queens.[114] There are some Zhuang people, the largest ethnic minorty of China, in the United States.[115] The presence of Miao[115] Uyghur[116] and Manchu Americans[117] has also been attested.
Although considered ethnically the same as other Han Chinese, the Muslim Hui people are registered as an ethnic minority by the Chinese government. Ther are some Hui in the United States, and some have retained their religious and cultural practices in America.[118]
Chinese Americans, also known as the American Chinese, are Americans who have full or partial Chinese ancestry. Chinese Americans constitute one group of overseas Chinese and also a subgroup of East Asian Americans, which is further a subgroup of Asian Americans. Many Chinese Americans are immigrants along with their descendants from mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, as well as from other countries that include large populations of the Chinese diaspora.[6] The vast majority of Chinese Americans are Han, however there are some communities of minority groups such as Tibetans and Korean Chinese.
The Chinese American community is the largest overseas Chinese community outside of Asia. It is also the third largest in the Chinese diaspora, behind the Chinese communities in Thailand and Malaysia. The Chinese American community comprises the largest ethnic group of Asian Americans, comprising 25.9% of the Asian American population as of 2010. Americans of Chinese descent, including those with partial Chinese ancestry constitute 1.2% of the total U.S. population as of 2010. According to the 2010 census, the Chinese American population numbered approximately 3.8 million.[1] In 2010, half of Chinese-born people living in the United States resided in the states of California and New York.[7]The Chinese American experience has been documented at the Museum of Chinese in America in Manhattan's Chinatown since 1980.Contents [hide]1 History2 Demographics2.1 Population (1840–present)2.2 Cultural centers3 Social status and assimilation3.1 Stereotypes4 Language5 Religion6 Politics7 Immigration8 Socioeconomics8.1 Education8.2 Employment8.3 Economics9 Ethnic minorities10 Notable Chinese Americans11 See also12 References13 Further reading14 External linksHistory[edit]Main article: Chinese American historySee also: Yellow Peril, Anti-Chinese sentiment in the United States, Chinese immigration to Hawaii, and Chinese immigration to Puerto RicoThe first Chinese immigrants arrived in 1820, according to U.S. government records. 325 men are known to have arrived before the 1849 California Gold Rush,[8] which drew the first significant number of laborers from China who mined for gold and performed menial labor.[9][10][11] There were 25,000 immigrants by 1852, and 105,465 by 1880, most of whom lived on the West Coast. They formed over a tenth of California's population. Nearly all of the early immigrants were young males with low educational levels from six districts in Guangdong Province.[12]
In the 1850s, Chinese workers migrated to the United States, first to work in the gold mines, but also to take agricultural jobs, and factory work, especially in the garment industry. Chinese immigrants were particularly instrumental in building railroads in the American west, and as Chinese laborers grew successful in the United States, a number of them became entrepreneurs in their own right. As the numbers of Chinese laborers increased, so did the strength of anti-Chinese sentiment among other workers in the American economy. This finally resulted in legislation that aimed to limit future immigration of Chinese workers to the United States, and threatened to sour diplomatic relations between the United States and China; The Chinese Exclusion Act[13]
The Chinese came to California in large numbers during the California Gold Rush, with 40,400 being recorded as arriving from 1851–1860, and again in the 1860s, when the Central Pacific Railroad recruited large labor gangs, many on five-year contracts, to build its portion of the Transcontinental Railroad. The Chinese laborers worked out well and thousands more were recruited until the railroad's completion in 1869. Chinese labor provided the massive workforce needed to build the majority of the Central Pacific's difficult route through the Sierra Nevada mountains and across Nevada.
American objections to Chinese immigration took many forms, and generally stemmed from economic and cultural tensions, as well as ethnic discrimination. Most Chinese laborers who came to the United States did so in order to send money back to China to support their families there. At the same time, they also had to repay loans to the Chinese merchants who paid their passage to America. These financial pressures left them little choice but to work for whatever wages they could. Non-Chinese laborers often required much higher wages to support their wives and children in the United States, and also generally had a stronger political standing to bargain for higher wages. Therefore, many of the non-Chinese workers in the United States came to resent the Chinese laborers, who might squeeze them out of their jobs. Furthermore, as with most immigrant communities, many Chinese settled in their own neighborhoods, and tales spread of Chinatowns as places where large numbers of Chinese men congregated to visit prostitutes, smoke opium, or gamble. Some advocates of anti-Chinese legislation therefore argued that admitting Chinese into the United States lowered the cultural and moral standards of American society. Others used a more overtly racist argument for limiting immigration from East Asia, and expressed concern about the integrity of American racial composition.[13]
To address these rising social tensions, from the 1850s through the 1870s the California state government passed a series of measures aimed at Chinese residents, ranging from requiring special licenses for Chinese businesses or workers to preventing naturalization. Because anti-Chinese discrimination and efforts to stop Chinese immigration violated the 1868 Burlingame-Seward Treaty with China, the federal government was able to negate much of this legislation.[13]
The Chinese population rose from 2,716 in 1851 to 63,000 by 1871. In the decade 1861-70, 64,301 were recorded as arriving, followed by 123,201 in 1871-80 and 61,711 in 1881-1890. 77% were located in California, with the rest scattered across the West, the South, and New England.[14] Most came from Southern China looking for a better life, escaping a high rate of poverty left after the Taiping Rebellion.
In 1879, advocates of immigration restriction succeeded in introducing and passing legislation in Congress to limit the number of Chinese arriving to fifteen per ship or vessel. Republican President Rutherford B. Hayes vetoed the bill because it violated U.S. treaty agreements with China. Nevertheless, it was still an important victory for advocates of exclusion. Democrats, led by supporters in the West, advocated for all-out exclusion of Chinese immigrants. Although Republicans were largely sympathetic to western concerns, they were committed to a platform of free immigration. In order to placate the western states without offending China, President Hayes sought a revision of the Burlingame-Seward Treaty (Burlingame Treaty) in which China agreed to limit immigration to the United States.[13]
In 1880, the Hayes Administration appointed U.S. diplomat James B. Angell to negotiate a new treaty with China. The resulting Angell Treaty permitted the United States to restrict, but not completely prohibit, Chinese immigration. In 1882, Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act, which, per the terms of the Angell Treaty, suspended the immigration of Chinese laborers (skilled or unskilled) for a period of 10 years. The Act also required every Chinese person traveling in or out of the country to carry a certificate identifying his or her status as a laborer, scholar, diplomat, or merchant. The 1882 Act was the first in American history to place broad restrictions on immigration.[13]
For American presidents and Congressmen addressing the question of Chinese exclusion, the challenge was to balance domestic attitudes and politics, which dictated an anti-Chinese policy, while maintaining good diplomatic relations with China, where exclusion would be seen as an affront and a violation of treaty promises. The domestic factors ultimately trumped international concerns. In 1888, Congress took exclusion even further and passed the Scott Act, which made reentry to the United States after a visit to China impossible, even for long-term legal residents. The Chinese Government considered this act a direct insult, but was unable to prevent its passage. In 1892, Congress voted to renew exclusion for ten years in the Geary Act, and in 1902, the prohibition was expanded to cover Hawaii and the Philippines, all over strong objections from the Chinese Government and people. Congress later extended the Exclusion Act indefinitely.[13]
The initial immigration group may have been as high as 90% male due to the Chinese Exclusion act, resulting in most immigrants coming with the thought of earning money, and then returning to China to start a family. Those that stayed in America faced the lack of suitable Chinese brides, because Chinese women were not allowed to immigrate to the US in significant numbers after 1872. As a result, many isolated mostly-bachelor communities slowly aged in place with very low Chinese birth rates. Later, as a result of the Fourteenth Amendment and the 1898 United States v. Wong Kim Ark Supreme Court decision, ethnic Chinese born in the United States became American citizens.
The Chinese Exclusion Acts were not repealed until 1943, and then only in the interests of aiding the morale of a wartime ally during World War II. With relations already complicated by the Opium Wars and the Treaties of Wangxia and Tianjian, the increasingly harsh restrictions on Chinese immigration, combined with the rising discrimination against Chinese living in the United States in the 1870s-early 1900s, placed additional strain on the diplomatic relationship between the United States and China.[13]
In the mid 1850s, 70 to 150 Chinese were living in New York City and 11 of them married Irish women. In 1906, The New York Times (6 August) reported that 300 white women (Irish American) were married to Chinese men in New York, with many more cohabited. In 1900, based on Liang research, of the 120,000 men in more than 20 Chinese communities in the United States, he estimated that one out of every twenty Chinese men (Cantonese) was married to white women.[15] In the 1960s census showed 3500 Chinese men married to white women and 2900 Chinese women married to white men.[16] Originally at the start of the 20th century there was a 55% rate of Chinese men in New York engaging in interracial marriage which was maintained in the 1920s but in the 1930s it slid to 20%.[17]
During and after World War II, severe immigration restrictions were eased as the United States allied with China against Japanese expansionism. Later reforms in the 1960s placed increasing value on family unification, allowing relatives of U.S. citizens to receive preference in immigration.
The Chinese American experience has been documented at the Museum of Chinese in America in Manhattan's Chinatown since 1980.
Demographics[edit]Main article: List of U.S. cities with significant Chinese American populationsSee also: Demographics of the United States and list of common Chinese American surnamesPopulation (1840–present)[edit]
This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (February 2013) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)The chart on the right shows the total number of ethnic Chinese in the United States since 1850.[18][19]
Historical populationYear Pop. ±%1850 4,018 — 1860 34,933 +769.4%1870 63,199 +80.9%1880 105,465 +66.9%1890 107,488 +1.9%1900 89,863 −16.4%1910 71,531 −20.4%1920 61,639 −13.8%1930 74,954 +21.6%1940 77,504 +3.4%1950 117,629 +51.8%1960 237,292 +101.7%1970 435,062 +83.3%1980 806,040 +85.3%1990 1,645,472 +104.1%2000 2,432,585 +47.8%2010 3,347,229 +37.6%
Percentage of Chinese population in the United States, 2000.According to the 2012 Census estimates,[21] the three metropolitan areas with the largest Chinese American populations were the Greater New York Combined Statistical Area at 735,019 people, the San Jose-San Francisco-Oakland Combined Statistical Area at 629,243 people, and the Greater Los Angeles Combined Statistical Area at about 566,968 people. New York City is home to the highest Chinese American population of any city proper (522,619), while the Los Angeles County city of Monterey Park has the highest percentage of Chinese Americans of any municipality, at 43.7% of its population, or 24,758 people.
The states with the largest estimated Chinese American populations, according to both the 2010 Census, were California (1,253,100; 3.4%), New York (577,000; 3.0%), Texas (157,000; 0.6%), New Jersey (134,500; 1.5%), Massachusetts (123,000; 1.9%), Illinois (104,200; 0.8%), Washington (94,200; 1.4%), Pennsylvania (85,000; 0.7%), Maryland (69,400; 1.2%), Virginia (59,800; 0.7%), and Ohio (51,033; 0.5%). The state of Hawaii has the highest concentration of Chinese Americans at 4.0%, or 55,000 people.
The New York metropolitan area, consisting of New York City, Long Island, and nearby areas within the states of New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and Pennsylvania, is home to the largest Chinese American population of any metropolitan area within the United States and the largest Chinese population outside of China, enumerating 682,265 individuals as of the 2010 United States Census,[22] and including at least nine Chinatowns. Continuing significant immigration from Mainland China, both legal[23][24] and illegal[25] in origin, has spurred the ongoing rise of the Chinese American population in the New York metropolitan area; this immigration continues to be fueled by New York's status as an alpha global city, its high population density, its extensive mass transit system, and the New York metropolitan area's enormous economic marketplace.
Also on the East Coast, the Washington, Boston, and Philadelphia metropolitan areas have significant Chinese American communities. The Washington, D.C. suburbs of Montgomery County, Maryland, and Fairfax County, Virginia, are 3.9% and 2.4% Chinese American, respectively. Boston's Chinatown is the only historical Chinese neighborhood within New England. The Boston suburb of Quincy also has a prominent Chinese American population, especially within the North Quincy area.[26]
San Francisco, California has the highest per capita concentration of Chinese Americans of any major city in the United States, at an estimated 21.4%, or 172,181 people, and contains the second-largest total number of Chinese Americans of any U.S. city. San Francisco's Chinatown was established in the 1840s, making it the oldest Chinatown in North America and one of the largest neighborhoods of Chinese people outside of Asia,[27][28] composed in large part by immigrants hailing from Guangdong province and also many from Hong Kong. The San Francisco neighborhoods of Sunset District and Richmond District also contain significant Chinese populations.
In addition to the big cities, smaller pockets of Chinese Americans are also dispersed in rural towns, often university-college towns, throughout the United States. For example, the number of Chinese Americans, including college professors, doctors, professionals, and students, has increased over 200% from 2005 to 2010 in Providence, Rhode Island, a small city with a large number of colleges.
Income and social status of these Chinese-American locations vary widely. Although many Chinese Americans in Chinatowns of large cities are often members of an impoverished working class, others are well-educated upper-class people living in affluent suburbs. The upper and lower-class Chinese are also widely separated by social status and class discrimination. In California's San Gabriel Valley, for example, the cities of Monterey Park and San Marino are both Chinese American communities lying geographically close to each other but they are separated by a large socioeconomic gap.
A third of a million Chinese Americans are not United States citizens.[29]
Cultural centers[edit]
New York City is home to the largest Chinese American population of any city proper, over half million.[30] Multiple large Chinatowns in Manhattan, Brooklyn (above), and Queens are thriving as traditionally urban enclaves, as large-scale Chinese immigration continues into New York,[31][32][33][34][35] with the largest metropolitan Chinese population outside Asia.[36][37]
San Francisco is home to the second largest Chinese community in the United States in number and the largest in percentage.A list of large cities (250,000+ residents) with a Chinese-American population in excess of 1% of the general population in 2010.[1]
Rank City State Chinese-Americans Percentage1 San Francisco California 172,181 21.42 Honolulu Hawaii 38,330 10.23 Oakland California 34,083 8.74 San Jose California 63,434 6.75 New York City New York 486,463 6.06 Plano Texas 13,592 5.27 Sacramento California 20,307 4.48 Seattle Washington 27,216 4.19 Boston Massachusetts 24,910 4.010 San Diego California 35,661 2.711 Philadelphia Pennsylvania 30,069 2.012 Stockton California 5,188 1.813 Los Angeles California 66,782 1.814 Portland Oregon 9,113 1.715 Chicago Illinois 43,228 1.616 Anaheim California 4,738 1.417 Houston Texas 29,429 1.318 Austin Texas 8,886 1.219 Pittsburgh Pennsylvania 3,402 1.120 Riverside California 2,985 1.0Social status and assimilation[edit]Some noteworthy historical Chinese contributions include building the western half of the Transcontinental Railroad, and levees in the Sacramento River Delta; the popularization of Chinese American food; and the introduction of Chinese and East Asian culture to America, such as Buddhism, Taoism, and Kung fu.
Chinese immigrants to the United States brought many of their ideas and values with them. Some of these have continued to influence later generations. Among them are Confucian respect for elders.[38] Similarly, education and the civil service were the most important path for upward social mobility in China.[38][39] The first Broadway show about Asian Americans was Flower Drum Song which premiered on Broadway in 1958;[40] the hit Chinglish premiered on Broadway in 2011.[41]
In most American cities with significant Chinese populations, the new year is celebrated with cultural festivals and parties. In Seattle, the Chinese Culture and Arts Festival is held every year. Other important festivals include the Dragon Boat Festival and the Mid-Autumn Festival.
Stereotypes[edit]Analysis indicated that most non-Asian Americans do not differentiate between Chinese Americans and East Asian Americans generally, and perceptions of both groups are nearly identical.[42] A 2001 survey of Americans' attitudes toward Asian Americans and Chinese Americans indicated that one fourth of the respondents had somewhat or very negative attitude toward Chinese Americans in general.[43] The study did find several positive perceptions of Chinese Americans: strong family values (91%); honesty as entrepreneurs (77%); high value on education (67%).[42]
Language[edit]Main article: Chinese language and varieties in the United StatesChinese is the third most-spoken language in the United States, almost completely spoken within Chinese American populations and by immigrants or the descendants of immigrants, especially in California.[44] Over 2 million Americans speak some variety of Chinese, with Mandarin Chinese becoming increasingly common due to immigration from China.[44]
In New York City at least, although Standard Chinese (Mandarin) is spoken as a native language among only 10% of American born Chinese speakers, it is used as a secondary dialect to English.[45] In addition, immigration from Fujian is bringing an increasingly large number of Min speakers. Varieties of Wu Chinese is now spoken by a minority of recent Chinese immigrants hailing from Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Shanghai.
Although Chinese Americans grow up learning English, some teach their children Chinese for a variety of reasons: preservation of an ancient civilization, preservation of a group identity, preservation of their cultural ancestry, desire for easy communication with each other and their relatives, and the perception that Chinese is a very useful language, regardless of China's economic strength. Although Simplified Chinese is the most oft-written language in China,[46] United States public notices and signage in Chinese are generally in Traditional frame.svgReligions of Chinese Americans (2012)[4][5]
Protestantism (22%) Buddhism (15%) Catholic Church (8%) Other (3%) Not declared (52%)The Chinese American community differs from the rest of the population in that the majority of Chinese Americans do not report a religious affiliation. 43% of Chinese Americans switched to a different religion and 54% stayed within their childhood religion within their lifetime. According to the Pew Research Center's 2012 Asian-American Survey, 52% of Chinese Americans aged 15 and over said that they didn't have any religious affiliation. This is also compared with the religious affiliation of Asian American average of 26% and a national average of 19%.
Of Chinese Americans who were religious, 15% were Buddhist, 8% were Catholic, and 22% belonged to a Protestant denomination. Fully half of Chinese Americans (52%)—including 55% of those born in the U.S. and 51% of those born overseas—describe themselves as religiously unaffiliated. Because Chinese Americans are the largest subgroup of Asian Americans, nearly half of all religiously unaffiliated Asians in the U.S. are of Chinese descent (49%).[4][5]
Politics[edit]Chinese Americans are divided among many subgroups based on factors such as age, nativity, and socioeconomic status and politics between China and the United States, or about Chinese nationalism. Different subgroups of Chinese Americans also have radically different and sometimes very conflicting political priorities and goals.
In 2013, Chinese Americans were the least likely Asian American ethnicity to be affiliated with a political party.[48]
Nonetheless, Chinese Americans are clustered in majority-Democratic states and have increasingly voted Democratic in recent presidential elections, following the trend for Asian Americans in general.[49] Polling just before the 2004 U.S. Presidential Election found John Kerry was favored by 58% of Chinese Americans and George W. Bush by only 23%,[50] as compared with a 54/44 split in California, a 58/40 split in New York, and a 48/51 split in America as a whole on Election Day itself. In the 2012 presidential election, 81% of Chinese American voters selected Barack Obama over Mitt Romney.[51]
Chinese Americans were an important source of funds for Han revolutionaries during the later Qing dynasty, and Sun Yat-sen was raising money in America at the time of the Xinhai Revolution, which established the Republic of China. During the Cultural Revolution, Chinese Americans, as overseas Chinese in general, were viewed as capitalist traitors by the PRC government. This attitude changed dramatically in the late 1970s with the reforms of Deng Xiaoping. Increasingly, Chinese Americans were seen as sources of business and technical expertise and capital who could aid in China's economic and other growth in the People's Republic of China has given mainland Chinese more opportunities to emigrate. A 2011 survey showed that 60% of Chinese millionaires plan to emigrate and 40% of Chinese millionaires selecting the United States as the top destination for immigration.[52][53][54][55][56][57] The EB-5 Investment Visa allows many powerful Chinese to seek U.S. citizenship, and recent reports show that 75% of applicants for this visa in 2011 were Chinese.[58][59] Chinese multimillionaires benefited most from the EB-5 Immigrant Investor Program in the U.S. Now, as long as one has at least US$500,000 to invest in projects listed by United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), where it is possible to get an EB-5 green card that comes with permanent U.S. residency rights, but only in states specified by the pilot article: Model minorityEducation[edit]Overall, as a demographic group, Chinese Americans are highly educated and earn higher incomes when compared to other demographic groups in the United States.[62] Educational achievements of Chinese in the United States are one of the highest among Asian Americans and also among all ethnic groups in the United States.[63] Chinese Americans often have some of the highest averages in tests such as SAT, GRE, etc. in the United States. Although verbal scores lag somewhat due to the influx of new immigrants, combined SAT scores have also been higher than for most Americans. Chinese Americans are the largest racial group on all but one of the nine fully established University of California campuses.[64][65][66][67]
They are the largest group among US National Merit Scholarship awardees in California,[citation needed] They are more likely to apply to competitively elite higher education institutions.[68][69][70][71] They also constitute 24% of all Olympic Seattle Scholarship winners, 33% of USA Math Olympiad winners, 15.5% of Putnam Math Competition winners, and 36% of Duke Talent Identification Grand Recognition Ceremony attendees from the Dallas Metropolitan area.[72][73]
International students studying at various higher education institutions around the United States account for a significant percentage of the international student body. International undergraduates, who make up 8% of Duke's undergraduate body, come from China more than any other country.[74][75] International Chinese students also comprise 11% of the nearly 5,800 freshmen at the University of Washington.[76] Mainland China is the top sending country of international students to the United States.[77][78] As a result of its growing economy and large population, more middle-class families from China are able to afford American college tuition, bringing an influx of Chinese students to study abroad in the United States. With a more diverse educational background and higher level of English proficiency, international Chinese students also value American degrees, as it gives them a notable advantage over their college-educated counterparts in China by the time they return to their native country to seek employment.[79]
Due to cultural factors, many Chinese international students are brand name conscious, choosing nationally ranked elite higher education institutes throughout the United States as their target schools.[80][81][82] International Chinese students are also widely found at many elite liberal arts colleges such as Barnard College and Mount Holyoke.[83][84] Students from China gravitate towards Americans colleges and universities for their high quality and the style of education which stresses interdisciplinary approaches, creativity, student participation and critical thinking.[82]
Chinese students comprise 18% of the international student population in America, and make up 32.2% of the undergraduate students and 48.8% of the graduate students. Chinese international students tend to gravitate towards technical majors that involve heavy use of mathematics and the natural sciences. 27.5% of international Chinese students study business management, finance, or economics, 19.2% study engineering, 11.5% study the life sciences and 10.6% study math or computer science.[85]
Largely driven by educational immigration, among American PhD recipients in fields related to science and engineering, 25% of the recipients are ethnic Chinese.[86] According to the 2010 U.S. Census Bureau of Labor Statistics, 51.8% of all Chinese Americans have attained at least a bachelor's degree, compared with 28.2% nationally and 49.9% for all Asian American groups. The Census reports that 54.7% of Chinese American men attained a bachelor's degree and 49.3% of Chinese American women attained a bachelor's degree. In addition, 26.6% of all Chinese Americans in the United States possess a master's, doctorate or other professional degree, compared to 20.3% for all Asian Americans, and is roughly two and a half times above the national average, with high educational attainment largely driven by educational immigration.[26][87]
Bachelor's Degree or Higher Educational Attainment[26]Ethnicity Percent of PopulationTaiwanese 73.6%Chinese 51.8%Japanese 47.4%White American 29.5%Vietnamese 25.2%Total US Population 28.2%Employment[edit]
Technology conglomerates such as (pictured above) located within technology centers across the United States, including California's Silicon Valley, remain attractive hotspots for Chinese Americans and foreign-born Chinese entrepreneurs from all over the world.[88]There has been a significant change in the perceptions about Chinese Americans. In as little as 100 years of American history, stereotypes of Chinese Americans have changed to portraying a hard working and educated minority. Thus, most Chinese Americans work as white collar professionals, many of whom are highly educated, salaried professionals whose work is largely self-directed in management, professional, and related occupations such as engineering, medicine, investment banking, law, and academia. 53.1% of Chinese Americans work in many white collar professions compared with 48.1% for all Asian Americans and a national average of 35.1%.[26] They make up 2% of working physicians in the United States.[89] Chinese Americans also make up a third of the Asian American high tech professional workforce and a tenth of the entire Silicon Valley workforce.[90] Chinese Americans also hold lower unemployment rates than the population average with a figure of 4.7% compared to a national rate of 5.9% in 2010.[26]
Many Chinese Americans have turned to the high tech center to jump-start potential computer and internet startups to capitalize on the regions wealth of venture capital, business expertise, and cultural and financial incentives for innovation. Ethnic Chinese have been successful in starting new firms in technology centers across the United States, including California's Silicon Valley. Chinese Americans have been disproportionately successful in high technology sectors, as evidenced by the Goldsea 100 Compilation of America's Most Successful Asian Entrepreneurs.[91] Chinese Americans accounted for 4% of people listed in the 1998 Forbes Hi Tech 100 List.[72]
Annalee Saxenian, a UC Berkeley professor, whose research interests include the contribution of Chinese immigrants on America's technology concludes that in Silicon Valley, carried out a study that showed that since 1998, one out of five high tech start-ups in Silicon Valley were led by Chinese Americans. During the same year, 5 of the 8 fastest growing companies had Chinese American CEO's except for Yahoo, whose Jerry Yang was a founder but not a CEO. In Silicon Valley there are at least 2 to 3 dozen Chinese American organizations according to professional interests each with at least 100 members. One prominent organization of which is the Committee of 100.[92] Immigrants from China and Taiwan were key founders in 12.8% of all Silicon Valley start-ups between 1995 and 2005.[93] Almost 6% of the immigrants who founded companies in the innovation/manufacturing-related services field are from China and Taiwan.[94]
Research funded by the Public Policy Institute of California indicates that in 1996, 1,786 Silicon Valley technology companies with $12.5 billion in sales and 46,000 employees were run by Indian or Chinese executives. Moreover, the pace of entrepreneurship among local immigrants is increasing rapidly. While Chinese or Indian executives are at the helm of 13% of the Silicon Valley technology businesses started between 1980 and 1985, they are running 27% of the more than 4,000 businesses started between 1991 and 1996.[95] Start-up firms remain a primary source for new ideas and innovation for Chinese American internet entrepreneurs. Many of them are employed or directly engaged in new start-up activities. The proportional share of start-up firms by ethnic Chinese in Silicon Valley skyrocketed from 9% in 1980-1984 to about 20% between 1995-1998.[96] By 2006, Chinese American internet entrepreneurs continued to start 20% of all Silicon Valley start-up firms, leading 2000 Silicon Valley companies, and employing 58,000 workers.[86] They still continue to own about 20% of all information technology companies that were founded in Silicon Valley since 1980.
Numerous professional organizations in perspective in the 1990s as a support network for fellow Chinese American high tech start-ups in the valley.[97] Between 1980 and 1999, 17% of the 11,443 high-tech firms in Silicon Valley - including some 40 publicly traded firms were controlled by ethnic Chinese. In 1990, Chinese Americans made up a third of the Asian American high tech professional workforce or 11% of the entire Silicon Valley professional workforce. In 1998, Chinese Americans managed 2001 firms, employing 41,684 workers, and ran up 13.2 billion in sales. They also account for 17% of all Silicon Valley firm owners, 10% of the professional workforce in the Valley, and 13.5% of the total sales accounting for less than 1% of the U.S. population at the time.[98]
Though Chinese Americans are also noted for their high rates of self-employment, as they have an extensive history of self-employment dating back to the California Gold Rush in the 1880s,[99] However, as more Chinese Americans seek higher education to elevate themselves socioeconomically, rates of self-employment are generally lower than population average.[100] In 2007, there were over 109,614 Chinese-owned employer firms, employing more than 780,000 workers, and generating more than $128 billion in revenue.[101]
Among Chinese-owned U.S. firms, 40% were in the professional, scientific, and technical services sector; the accommodation and food services sector; and the repair, maintenance, personal, and laundry services sector. Chinese-owned U.S. firms comprised 2% of all U.S. businesses in these sectors. Wholesale trade and accommodation and food services accounted for 50.4% of Chinese-owned business revenue. 66,505 or 15.7% of Chinese-owned firms had receipts of $250,000 or more compared with 2% for all U.S. Americans tend to follow the residence pattern set by other Americans. Members of the community believe in the symbolic importance of owning homes; accordingly, Chinese Americans tend to save money and make other monetary sacrifices earlier on in order to purchase their own homes as soon as possible.With their above average educational attainment rates, Chinese Americans from all socioeconomic backgrounds have achieved significant advances in their educational levels, income, life expectancy, and other social indicators as the financial and socioeconomic opportunities offered by the United States have lifted many Chinese Americans out of poverty, bringing them into the ranks of America's middle class, upper middle class, as well as the enjoyment of substantial well being.[107]
Chinese Americans are more likely to own homes than the general American population. According to the 2000 U.S. Census, 65% of Chinese Americans owned a home, higher than the total population's rate of 54%.[108][109] In 2003, real estate economist Gary Painter of the University of Southern California Lusk Center for Real Estate Research found out that when comparing homeowners with similar income levels Los Angeles, the Chinese-American home-ownership rate is 20% higher than Whites; in San Francisco, 23% higher; and in the New York metropolitan area, 18% higher.[110] A 2008 Asian Real Estate Association of America report released on behalf of the American community survey, Chinese Americans living in the states of Texas, New York, and California all had high home ownership rates that were significantly near or above the general population average.[111]
According to the 2010 U.S. Census, Chinese American men had a full-time median income of $57,061 and Chinese American women had a median income of $47,224. Chinese Americans also have one of the highest median household incomes among most demographic groups in the United States, which is 30% higher than the national average but is slightly lower compared with the Asian American population.[26]
Median Household Income: 2010[26]Ethnicity Household IncomeTaiwanese $68,809Asian $67,022Chinese $65,273Non-Hispanic White $52,480Scottish $52,444Korean $50,316Total US Population $50,046Despite positive economic indicators, a number of economic deterrents have been noted to afflict the Chinese American community. While median income remains above some ethnic groups in the United States, studies in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis revealed that Asian men have the highest rate of persistent long-term unemployment.[112]
Ethnic minorities[edit]While the vast minority of Chinese Americans are of the Han ethnicity, there are also some ethnic minorities in China who have immigrated to the United States directly from the People's Republic of China.
A community numbering 20,000 Korean-Chinese (Chaoxianzu (Chinese: 朝鲜族) or Joseonjok (Hangul: 조선족)) is centered in Flushing, Queens, while New York City is also home to the largest Tibetan population outside China, India, and Nepal, also centered in Queens.[113] There are some Zhuang people, the largest ethnic minorty of China, in the United States.[114] The presence of Miao[114] Uyghur[115] and Manchu Americans[116] has also been attested.
Although considered ethnically the same as other Han Chinese, the Muslim Hui people are registered as an ethnic minority by the Chinese government. Ther are some Hui in the United States, and some have retained their religious and cultural practices in America.[117]
Notable Chinese Americans[edit]See also: List of Chinese AmericansSee also[edit]Americans in ChinaChina City of AmericaChina-United States relationsChinese Americans in New York CityEmbassy of People's Republic of China in Washington, D.C.Chinese Progressive AssociationJook-singHokkien and Hoklo AmericansHakka AmericansManchu AmericansFuzhou Americans
c1912 ASIAN AMERICAN AMHERST MASS PHOTOS VERY RARE STUDENT VINTAGE:
$600.50
Related Items:
c1912 ASIAN AMERICAN AMHERST MASS PHOTOS VERY RARE STUDENT VINTAGE
$600.50
Japan culture & ethnicity Japanese beauty Asian girl good night c.1912 postcard
$12.50
C.1912 WOW BASEBALL GAME BEIJING CHINA USMC MARINES AMERICAN LEGATION PHOTO F2
$1250.00
